2012年4月19日 星期四
Battle for the Internet (The Guardian)
http://www.guardian.co.uk/technology/2012/apr/17/tim-berners-lee-monitoring-internet
2012年4月5日 星期四
按環境賣廣告新專利 Google監視手機用戶
經常被指侵犯用戶私隱的搜尋網站一哥 Google,再有惹火動作,最近為一套可根據手機用戶身處的環境,展示相關廣告的軟件系統申請了專利。雖然 Google強調暫時未有計劃推出這系統,但已有關注私隱組織炮轟 Google對用戶的監視無孔不入,即使離線的活動也不放過。
這項全新專利名為「根據環境狀況賣廣告」,讓 Google可以在智能手機安裝感應器,記錄機主周圍氣溫、相對濕度、光度、聲音和空氣成份等資料,然後啟動相關廣告。
「手機變私人間諜儀器」
專利文件解釋,「用戶身處地方的溫度若超越某個度數,就會展示冷氣機廣告;若溫度低於某個度數,就會展示大褸廣告」。
另一例子是,手機用戶身處的地方若正在下雨,感應器偵測到後,隨即會彈出附近雨傘店的廣告。
私 隱組織警告, Google此舉將會開了一個危險先例。「私隱國際」( Privacy International)行政總監霍賽因( Gus Hosein)批評說:「 Google似乎不滿足於只搜集用戶的大量網上活動資料,還開始想入侵用戶離線活動的空間。這樣的專利或許不會有成果,卻令我們不得不問:廣告商會企圖入 侵我們生活哪些方面,以及是否有盡頭?這是要將我們的手機變成私人間諜儀器,只為可令一個公司可以在寒冷天氣向你推銷外套。」
網友:這將令人很煩厭
網友 Naga Saravan Golla在科技新聞網站 The Next Web留言回應 Google這項最新專利說:「這將令人很煩厭!」但亦有人覺得沒所謂,網民 David Williams說:「我覺得那些針對性的廣告不錯。反正一定會有廣告出現,何不將它們變成是一些我個人或公司會感興趣的東西?」
Google發言人強調,現階段未有計劃推出這套系統。「我們會就員工提出的各種意見申請專利。當中有些最終會發展成熟至不同產品或服務,有些不會。未來推出的產品亦不一定來自我們之前申請的專利。」
專利權已成為科技公司的新戰場,除了盡量為產品申請專利,很多都是一些創新思維,預先保障將來的利益。
專利律師奧爾頓就認為,根據環境賣廣告是 Google原有按用戶搜尋資料賣廣告的合理延伸。他說:「花錢研發新產品,成本可以很高,但只需申請專利,即使產品由別人發明,公司因專利而財源滾滾來。」
英國廣播公司/《每日郵報》
2012年1月20日 星期五
微博实名制被指强奸民意 网民呼吁用脚投票
并表示,“目的是为了维护国家信息安全、维护人民根本利益、维护互联网繁荣发展。中国依法管理互联网具有充分的法律依据,也符合国际通行做法。”
新浪微博网民红星闪闪表示,“网络实名制是广大人民群众的愿望,广大网民怎么都不知道,维护我们什么根本利益?”
网民晴空则表示,“网络实名让人发言不能再畅心所欲,让人民胆战心惊,如何维护人民根本利益?”
网络技术专家默难星期四向本台表示:我觉得如果从现在政治制度的角度来考虑,完全是一种强奸民意,首先他们的代表就不是我们选出来的,所制定的法律法规等并不能代表我们所谓广大人民群众,我觉得“广大人民群众”这个词在他们那里也只是一个修饰词而已。
中国最热门的微博门户,新浪微博强行推行实名制之后,让新注册用户必须用身份证与姓名进行注册。上周五知名学者于建嵘和张鸣都在同一天发布声明,停止使用其服务。
于建嵘称,“鉴于新浪微博对待网友的恶劣态度,本人决定从1月13日9时开始停止新浪微博更新。”张鸣则是转向其它微博服务。本台记者星期四点击于建嵘和张鸣的微博发现最后发言日期都是13日。
关注过不少维权事件的知名学者贺卫方,近日也宣布退出新浪微博。贺卫方告诉本台记者:其实也是太闹,自己想休息下。
目前中国的网民人数超过5亿,新浪微博也高达2亿用户,除了公共知识分子相继宣布退出新浪微博之后,也有一批网民选择用脚投票,有网民表示已经受不了删帖删号,想说什么不能说,一丁点都无法容下,我不用了。
结石宝宝之父赵连海告诉本台记者:我也知道其它一些名人离开新浪,其实我们准备在春节之后考虑起诉新浪,因为马上就要春节了,我的想法是尽可能去跟他们考证,新浪微博本来就是一个发声的载体,如果我们放弃争取的话,那是一个挺可惜的事情,我个人观点还是继续考证一下。
记者:打算怎么样进行?
赵连海:新浪他们是在单方面刻意的把结石宝宝屏蔽,我们就是要求无条件的解除对“结石宝宝”的屏蔽,并且公开向社会道歉,这是我想到的一种诉求,如果再闹大就要立案,也希望能得到公正的判决,我们也必须表达出我们的态度。
以上是自由亚洲电台驻香港特约记者心语的采访报道。
2012年1月11日 星期三
美國停止網上盜版法提案(SOPA)的預示

LINK
美國眾議院早前提出了「停止網上盜版法提案」(Stop Online Piracy Act),簡稱SOPA,此草案將加強和擴大網上侵犯版權的處罰,並可能迫使含有盜版內容的網站關閉或阻止用戶的搜索引擎發送至他們網站。假若網站內容少 了這些非法行為,如在網絡上下載盜版電影和歌曲,傳統媒體機構將會從中得益。因此,法案備受爭議,認為只維護荷里活的利益而已,美國最大的高科技公司,如 谷歌(Google)、微軟(Microsoft),以及社交網站如Twitter、Facebook均表示反對該法案,認為會帶來嚴重的後果,相反傳統 媒體機構如全國有線和電信協會(NCTA)則支持及保衛草案,兩大勢力持相反意見。
草案背後藏著的不是保護創作者的權益而是既得利益者的角力。提出草案的德州眾議員Lamar Smith,在他的職業生涯中收到接近40萬美元從電視,音樂和電影業的捐款,包括一些最近遊說法案時從廣播和電視機構收到的捐款。傳統大型媒體機構捐款 超過500萬美元予支持停止網上盜版法提案的議員,以加州民主黨眾議員Howard Berman及Adam Schiff為主要受款人。從多個支持草案的議員中,可以容易知道他們在其國會生涯中曾收受到電視,音樂,電影各大媒體的捐款。
前車可鑑
此外,多個團體亦一直遊說與停止網上盜版法類似的保護知識產權法(Protect IP Act)在參議院立法。超過40名參議員自從進了國會後,總共收取電視,音樂和電影業超過1350萬美元的捐款。除了捐款,許多大型機構亦進行遊說,例如 全國有線和電信協會花了9萬美元在遊說贊成該法案及其他法案,聘請了遊說公司Fierce, Isakowitz & Blalock,當中的說客Aleix Jarvis曾在協會工作,並是支持法案參議員Sen. Lindsey Graham的前立法主任,當中的關係可謂千絲萬縷。
相反,Comcast Corporation公司於上年第三季度期間,花近400萬美元對反對保護知識產權法和其他法案進行遊說。Comast的說客Joseph Trahern則是支持法案的參議員Dick Durbin前助手。其他公司如亞馬遜(Amazon)也花了45萬美元進行遊說,其中一些是反對這項法案的推動。英特爾(Intel)更在第三季度花費 近100萬美元進行遊說。
相信沒有人會質疑保護知識產權的需要,但問題不在於其目標,而是擔心藉此採用不正當的手段作審查,就像中國及伊朗政權等封鎖網站,採用嚴厲措施去規範互聯網。一方面擔憂網上審查,另一方面,面對多達9000多萬美元的捐助,足以左右立法,民眾又可以做什麼呢?民眾唯有利用互聯網拯救互聯網,就像進行超過一年「不要審查」的行動(Don’t Censor for the Net)。於上年11月舉行眾議會的聽證會前夕,人民透過社交媒體向司法委員成員留言或轉貼,讓他們知道人民的意願。聽證會當天,多個團體聯合起來將自己的網站變「黑」作抗議。最終,保護知識產權法在立法上遭到參議院擱置。
這場鬥爭還未結束,儘管有大多數反對,停止網上盜版法提案將會受捐款影響而向前不變。唯有靠著互聯網的流動,將反對訊息在瞬間中宣揚開去,在這樣的立法環境下為自己的自由鬥爭。
有關連結
美國SOPA:
https://civic.moveon.org/googlechamber1/
http://reporting.sunlightfoundation.com/2011/legacy-media-bankrolling-ca...
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/patrick-ruffini/stop-sopa-using-the-inter_...
http://reporting.sunlightfoundation.com/2011/sopa-sleuths/
2012年1月8日 星期日
Top 1% of Mobile Users Consume Half of World’s Bandwidth, and Gap Is Growing
Arieso, a company in Newbury, England, that advises mobile operators in Europe, the United States and Africa, documented the statistical gap when it tracked 1.1 million customers of a European mobile operator during a 24-hour period in November.
The gap between extreme users and the rest of the population is widening, according to Arieso. In 2009, the top 3 percent of heavy users generated 40 percent of network traffic. Now, Arieso said, these users pump out 70 percent of the traffic.
Michael Flanagan, the chief technology officer at Arieso, said the study did not produce a more precise profile of extreme users. But the group, he said, was probably diverse, with a mix of business users gaining access to the Internet over a 3G network while traveling, and individuals with generous or unlimited mobile data packages watching videos, the main cause of the excess traffic.
“Some people may draw the parallel to Occupy Wall Street, and I’ve already heard comments about ‘Occupy the Downlink,’ ” Mr. Flanagan said. “But the situations are very different, and the mobile situation doesn’t break down along socioeconomic lines.”
The Arieso survey found that 64 percent of extreme users were using a laptop, a third were using a smartphone and 3 percent had an iPad.
The imbalance in mobile phone consumption is another example of a relatively small group of individuals dominating the consumption of a particular resource. The United States, with less than 5 percent of the world’s population, consumes about 23 percent of the world’s daily oil production, according to American government figures. Japan, Germany and Italy, whose populations together make up less than 4 percent of the world’s total, accounted for 31 percent of global natural gas imports in 2010, according to the International Energy Agency.
Pal Zarandy, an analyst at Rewheel, a research firm in Helsinki, Finland, that advises operators on data packages and pricing strategies, said the disparity in bandwidth use was not surprising because most mobile phone users globally used a 2G telephone for calls and texts only.
Just 13.2 percent of the world’s 6.1 billion cellphones are smartphones, according to Ericsson, the leading maker of mobile network equipment, but the rate exceeds 30 percent in larger markets like the United States, Germany and Britain.
The more powerful phones are rapidly replacing the simpler, less voracious devices in many countries, raising traffic levels and pressure on operators to keep pace. In countries like Sweden and Finland, smartphones now account for more than half of all mobile phones, Mr. Zarandy said. About 35 percent of Finns also use mobile laptop modems and dongles, or modems in a USB stick; one operator, Elisa, offers unlimited data plans for as little as 5 euros, or $6.40, a month.
As a result, Finns consume on average 1 gigabyte of wireless data a month over an operator’s network, almost 10 times the European average. As more consumers buy smartphones, the level of mobile data consumption and congestion will rise in other countries.
“This of course is bad news for operators because it means that more traffic is coming and they need to invest to stay ahead of the curve,” Mr. Zarandy said.
Mr. Flanagan at Arieso said one European operator, which he declined to identify, last year installed 250 miniature base stations, called microcells, to handle the traffic of extreme users. The operator, he said, did not wish to publicize the work because it did not want to draw attention to the strains that its network was experiencing.
Patrik Cerwall, the head of strategic marketing and intelligence at Ericsson, which is based in Stockholm, Sweden, said most operators were beginning to look for ways to make their networks more efficient, whether by dumping data quickly into a fixed-line network, imposing volume limits on customers or installing miniature base stations at congestion points.
Ericsson expects the volume of global mobile data to rise tenfold from 2011 to 2016.
The rate is likely to accelerate as more consumers integrate the mobile Web into their daily lives. Last year, for example, 40 percent of smartphone owners in an Ericsson survey used their devices to gain access to mobile broadband connections even before getting out of bed.
The heaviest users of mobile data, according to Ericsson, watched videos 40 percent of the time, surfed the Web an additional 20 percent, and used up the rest of their online time in e-mails, social networking, file sharing and software downloads.
Advances in smartphones and applications technology are also driving up use.
Arieso researchers, in their latest survey, found that users of Apple’s iPhone 4S downloaded 276 percent more data from an operator’s network than did people with the Apple 3G, which has been on the market since June 2008.
Part of the reason for the increase in download volumes may be Apple’s Siri voice feature on the iPhone 4S, Mr. Flanagan said. Siri allows consumers to dictate to the phone and enter more text and data into the network in an easier way. The growth of cloud computing-based applications like iTunes and other cloud services, which use the mobile network to connect consumers with remote computers, may also be a factor, he said.
In uploaded data volumes and the total number of calls to the network, two Google Android handsets made by HTC, the Taiwanese manufacturer, topped the list.
People using the HTC Desire S uploaded 323 percent more data than those with the iPhone 3G, and those with an HTC Google Nexus One phone made 221 percent more calls to the network. Calls to the network include the voice and data calls started by the user, as well as the automatic communication between the device and the network to update its applications or transmit its location.
A version of this article appeared in print on January 6, 2012, on page B6 of the New York edition with the headline: Top 1% of Mobile Users Consume Half of World’s Bandwidth, and Gap Is Growing.
2012年1月6日 星期五
80後患搜索依賴症 事無大小網上尋被指欠思考
現時上網搜尋資料很方便,內地最近有調查發現,近九成受訪者承認患有「搜索依賴症」,一旦遇到問題不是先翻書或問人,而是上網搜尋,有80後青年更坦承,自己的生活已離不開搜尋引擎,即使一部電影、路邊看到一隻不知什麼品種的貓,也要上網搜尋一番。
兩成受訪者認症狀「非常嚴重」
中 國青年報社會調查中心最近訪問了逾2000網民,有89.8%人承認自己患有「搜索依賴症」,其中20%人感覺症狀「非常嚴重」。 受訪者中,70後佔37.2%,80後佔35.4%,90後佔2.9%。調查發現,78.6%受訪者遇到問題首先「上網搜尋答案」,只有8%會「自己思 考」,7.4%「翻書或查字典」,5.4%「請教他人」。八成受訪者指出,依賴網上搜尋是因為可節省時間,也有不少人認為「搜索準確性高」、「不用費力思 考」,兩成人承認是因為「不願與人溝通」。
路邊遇貓也要搜索品種
北京一名在銀行工作的80後青年是典型的「搜索依賴症」 者,他說一個提問、一部電影、一名剛認識的朋友,甚至路邊一隻貓是什麼品種,他都要上網搜尋一番。若搜尋引擎一時打不開,他甚至會茫然好一陣子。「我真希 望在腦子裏安裝一個搜索引擎。上次在家找一本書,怎麼也想不起書的位置,腦裏只浮現出關鍵詞。要是輸入書名就能知道書在哪裏該多好」
專做 網絡調查的艾瑞市場諮詢公司分析師由天宇認為,搜索引擎的出現,降低了大多數人獲得信息的門檻,令人覺得任何信息都能簡單獲取,不需自我思考,這使很多人 經常處在「淺閱讀」、「淺了解」的狀態。吳曉麗便說﹕「離開搜索會覺得腦子空空,什麼也寫不出來。看似掌握了很多信息,其實這些信息都還在電腦裏,不在人 腦裏。」
有內地網民指出,是否選擇網上搜尋不是主要問題,關鍵在於自己要有獨立思考和常方識。「作為中國人,應該知道《水滸傳》中的軍師叫吳用,知道李白是唐朝人。這是常識。不知道就得好好學,沒事老問搜索幹嗎?」
有學者更提醒,網上資料並非全是準確,青少年要有判斷力,不要被搜尋器利用。
中國青年報
2011年12月18日 星期日
2011年12月15日 星期四
2011年12月14日 星期三
Russia's virtual: the new reality?
On 3-4 December, an unprecedented wave of cyber-attacks hit independent websites on the parliamentary elections days in Russia, including LiveJournal, the most popular blogging platform in the country, and “Karta Narusheniy”, a crowd-sourcing platform reporting election violations. Despite the attacks, the RuNet is full of reports and videos of election irregularities.
A fortnight earlier, on November 20, the RuNet also played a crucial role in circulating videos of the catcalls Putin received at a wrestling tournament in Moscow. The videos went viral, and were viewed almost 3 million times in just one week; many internet viewers left sarcastic comments. That very evening, the Russian state-controlled television masked the audience’s boos in broadcasts of the event. The main newspapers did not cover the event.
Both episodes are a strong signal that political debate in Russia is moving on to the Internet. Traditional media like television, radio and most of the press are tightly government-controlled or affiliated, and do not challenge the current regime. On the other hand, as of December 2011, nearly 60 million Russians use the Internet on a regular basis. In September, Russia overtook Germany as the country with the highest level of unique Internet users in Europe.
Networks and the public space
In some ways, the Internet has become a full public sphere where citizens can exchange increasingly critical ideas and implement “citizen” projects. During the Egyptian revolution in 2011, people were using blogs and microblogs such as Twitter to form networks, reassuring them that they were not alone in their views. There are certainly signs that this happening in Russia⎯— the collective action groups that sprung up during 2010 summer wildfires were perhaps the first real example of this; organisation ahead of Saturday’s demonstration would be another one. Networks such as these create a common consciousness of public affairs, eventually leading to the creation of a public voice.
'The Russian government has tried to impose its authoritarian style of governance on the horizontal space which is the Internet. This reflects their misunderstanding, not only of the emergence of a networked society, but also of the very nature of the Internet.'
Before Saturday, the “power of networks” in Russia was used mostly at a local level. Blogs were the only way to attract the attention of the authorities and make them act, when usual means do not work due to the total lack of attention of politicians to the population’s daily problems and the level of corruption. To some extent, pragmatic localism better reflects the worries of ordinary people, who place corruption, abuse of privilege and lack of accountability well above authoritarianism on the list of the country’s biggest problems.
Russian authorities are increasingly occupied by the potential for disruption that the Internet embodies.
The Internet has been first of all a factor of differentiation between Dmitri Medvedev and Vladimir Putin. The “iPhone President” Medvedev has been using the Internet to promote his own modernization agenda; to a certain extent, Medvedev’s enthusiasm for the Internet is a branding exercise. Whereas Putin’s image is closely tied to industry and energy, Medvedev has used technology to distinguish himself and his image from that of his mentor. Indeed, some of the people I have interviewed in the course of my research suggest that the president used the Internet in order to bypass a system of governance in which he has no confidence. Putin, on the other hand, has insisted on the still strong dichotomy between traditional media, and new media. During the Arab Spring, the association of Web 2.0 with a TV channel like Al Jazeera created the ferment of the popular mobilization. The Prime Minister is keen to avoid such a development.
Chinese-style controls
Beyond the two leaders, the Russian government has tried to impose its authoritarian style of governance on the horizontal space which is the Internet. This reflects their misunderstanding, not only of the emergence of a networked society, but also of the very nature of the Internet.
The Minister of Internal Affairs, Rashid Nurgaliev was for a while the most prominent government minister to speak in favor of restrictions on the Internet, but just yesterday FSB chief Nikolai Patrushev echoed his calls, much to the dismay of human rights activists. Likewise, chief prosecutor General Yuri Chaika has also declared that control over social network activity was “necessary in the interest of the protection of civic liberties”. Even Patriarch of Moscow and All Rus Kirill has said that state control over the Internet should be stiffened.
'There is still a big question mark over the political maturity of the Russian population. While in the course of the last month or so, there has been a small shift to more political use, Russians generally remain profoundly indifferent towards politics⎯which is perpetuated online.'
Authorities have been very concerned about the internet communication tools over which it has no control. Earlier this year, for example, the FSB announced that Skype, Gmail and Hotmail ought to be banned in Russia simply because they were beyond the control of the secret services. The government’s reactivity is also visible on a legal level, with an abundance of tenders from state organs. In April, the government’s spokesman instructed experts to study foreign experience in Internet control. In October, the Ministry of Justice made public a tender for the acquisition of an online monitoring system that would compile reports on the information posted about the Minister, the President and the Prime Minister. Finally, Roskomnadzor, Russian Federal Service for Telecoms Supervision, announced a public tender for developing an Internet monitoring system.
These declarations and initiatives at the highest level of the state would indicate that tougher regulation of web content is already underway. That said, the authorities’ nervousness towards the Internet should possibly be read more as the expression of anxiety and misinterpretation of what the Internet is, rather than a will to establish wholesale online censorship.
The Russian spring?
Many parallels have been made between the Arab Spring revolutions and Russia’s domestic situation at election time. Personally, I would regard enthusiastic arguments about the Internet as a means for driving political change in Russia with some skepticism. The increasing polarization between TV audiences and Internet audiences tempers this idea. Most Russians who follow political reporting and debate online are part of the young urban elite, the politically engaged, and journalists who work for the independent press. On the other side, an offline mass of older, poorer and largely conservative people consume state-controlled TV. The latter segment of the population goes en masse to the ballot box. While there are individuals who have become famous through Internet activism in Russia, this is restricted to a small number, whose real political impact can be questioned. Alexey Navalny, an anti-corruption campaigner has become a cause célèbre in the West, yet before the election, only 6% of Russians know his name. However, more than 30% of those asked had heard his most famous maxim: United Russia, the party of swindlers and thieves. [data from the Levada Centre]
'It is likely that in the months ahead we will be witnessing more in the way of a counter-influence campaign online by pro-Putin cohorts and the increased use of “extremist” laws to harass critically-minded bloggers.'
There is still a big question mark over the political maturity of the Russian population. In Russia, like in most of the world, the Internet is above all used for entertainment and/or professional purposes. While in the course of the last month or so, there has been a small shift to more political use, Russians generally remain profoundly indifferent towards politics⎯which is perpetuated online. Before the elections, this indifference was cultivated by the authorities, who considered that Internet users inhabited a politically blunt “parallel universe”. Even opposition politician Vladimir Milov talked about an “apolitical Internet”. The authorities prioritized a policy of containment, restricting dissenting opinions to the Internet, first by favoring the development of new digital technologies, then by deploying proactive efforts to steer online conversations.
Anxiety over the elections seems to have triggered a change in approach, and it is certainly likely that in the months ahead we will be witnessing more in the way of a counter-influence campaign online by pro-Putin cohorts (e.g. Nashi), and the increased use of “extremist” laws to harass critically-minded bloggers. How social networks which “gave the floor” to oppositional voices on the day of voting at the parliamentary elections (LiveJournal, VKontakte) will respond to the inevitable increased pressure from FSB will also be of great interest.